George Simion’s Rise: Rebalancing Europe through National Sovereignty & Reform

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As Europe grapples with internal divisions and shifting political landscapes, George Simion, leader of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) and a candidate for the Romanian presidency in 2024, represents a rising Eastern force seeking to redefine the continent’s trajectory. His platform is characterized by a strong emphasis on national sovereignty, traditional values, and the preservation of cultural identity within the framework of the European Union.

Simion’s policies, however, are not focused on isolationism or withdrawal from the EU. Instead, they seek to reform the Union from within, aligning Romania with the broader nationalist movements in Hungary and Poland. Like Viktor Orbán and Jarosław Kaczyński, Simion envisions a Europe where national autonomy takes precedence over the centralized governance of Brussels.

2. Key Pillars of Simion’s Vision

2.1 Fortress Romania: Reclaiming National Sovereignty

Simion’s most critical stance is his call for national sovereignty, echoing the populist and nationalist movements seen across Eastern Europe. He argues that Romania must regain control over its own justice, governance, and economic policies. His view is that the European Union has overreached by imposing regulations that do not align with Romania’s national interests. He seeks a decentralized EU, where member states have greater control over their own decisions (Wikipedia)(DelibeRatio).

Like Hungary’s Orbán and Poland’s PiS, Simion believes in resisting Brussels’ central authority, particularly on matters of governance and justice. Simion also rejects progressive EU mandates, especially when they conflict with Romanian cultural values (DelibeRatio).

2.2 The Heart of Tradition: Preserving Cultural Identity

Simion’s platform stands firmly on conservative social values, with a strong focus on preserving Christianity and traditional family structures. His opposition to progressive EU policies — especially those regarding LGBTQ+ rights and gender identity… — aligns him with Eastern European leaders who similarly reject Western Europe’s push for social liberalization (DelibeRatio). His stance is not simply political but cultural, appealing to voters who fear the erosion of Romania’s Orthodox Christian values and the secularization of society.

Simion’s emphasis on cultural identity also includes a commitment to defending national symbols, family-oriented policies, and Christian moral frameworks — placing him squarely in the camp of other national conservative movements in Eastern Europe (Wikipedia).

2.3 Reforming, Not Retreating: EU on Trial

While Euroskeptic, Simion does not advocate for Romania’s exit from the EU. Instead, he focuses on reform from within, seeking to reshape the Union to respect national sovereignty and avoid Brussels’ imposition of uniform policies across culturally diverse member states. Simion’s vision is aligned with that of Hungary and Poland, who have similarly called for reforms that give Eastern European nations greater control over their domestic affairs while still enjoying the economic benefits of EU membership (DelibeRatio).

Simion’s reformist stance contrasts with more extreme Euroskeptic movements, positioning him as a figure who seeks to balance EU integration with national interests. His policy proposals include reducing the EU’s jurisdiction over judicial systems and domestic legislation, focusing instead on economic cooperation and infrastructure (New Eastern Europe).

2.4 Guarding the Gates: Controlling Immigration

Simion shares a strong stance on immigration with his Eastern European counterparts, including Orbán and Kaczyński. He opposes the EU’s refugee quotas and promotes stronger border controls to preserve Romania’s cultural homogeneity. For Simion, immigration control is not just about security but about ensuring that Romanian society remains culturally distinct and resistant to the kinds of demographic shifts seen in Western Europe (New Eastern Europe).

This policy resonates with Romanians who are wary of the EU’s approach to refugee crises and the cultural changes that may accompany large-scale migration. Simion advocates for an immigration system that prioritizes the integration of those who share Romania’s values (DelibeRatio).

3. Strengths and Appeal: Why Simion Resonates

Simion has gained popularity by appealing to Romanian voters who feel marginalized by the current EU leadership. His appeal lies in his ability to articulate a vision for national renewal that reflects widespread concerns about identity, culture, and sovereignty.

National Identity: By emphasizing Romania’s distinct cultural and religious heritage, Simion appeals to a conservative electorate that feels disconnected from the progressive policies of the West.
Populist Appeal: His platform, which challenges globalist ideologies, connects with voters frustrated by what they see as a disconnect between their values and those promoted by the EU elite.
Strong Cultural Stance: Simion’s promotion of family values and Christian principles resonates particularly with rural and religious communities, who view these issues as central to Romania’s identity (Wikipedia)(New Eastern Europe)

4. George Simion: A Defender of National Sovereignty, Prioritizing NATO Over a European Army

George Simion is more likely to support NATO over a European Army, as his platform focuses on national sovereignty and opposition to centralized European control. Simion is critical of the European Union’s overreach in national matters, which suggests he would not support a European Army, as it would represent a further centralization of military power at the European level. Instead, Simion would likely view NATO as a better fit for Romania’s national security needs, given its focus on collective defense while allowing member states to retain national military control.

NATO’s structure allows member countries like Romania to maintain national control over their armed forces, while benefiting from collective defense under Article 5. This aligns with Simion’s emphasis on protecting Romanian sovereignty. His alignment with Hungary and Poland — both NATO members who also prefer NATO over a European Army — further reinforces the likelihood that Simion would prioritize NATO over a European defense force.

In summary, based on his Euroskepticism and nationalist policies, it seems clear that Simion would support NATO as Romania’s primary defense alliance, rather than a centralized European Army.

5. Challenges and Criticisms: Potential Pitfalls

Simion’s rise in Romanian politics has also drawn criticism. While his rhetoric on sovereignty and cultural preservation appeals to many, there are concerns in the west about the divisiveness of his policies:

Polarization: His strong positions on social and cultural issues risk exacerbating cultural divisions within Romania, as Romania’s traditional cuture would then end up in opposition to the adoption of the latest social liberalization trends from the west, between the more conservative rural electorate and progressive urban centers.
Relationship with the EU: Critics fear that Simion’s resistance to European centralization, even if reformist, could isolate Romania from key EU decision-making processes, potentially weakening its economic ties within the Union (Israel Hayom). We believe that in unity, Eastern Europe achieves a historic strength that is long overdue, but destined to occur right about now.
Authoritarian Concerns: There are growing concerns that Simion’s focus on national sovereignty could lead to a rollback of democratic norms, as is said to happen in other nationalist movements across the region (DelibeRatio)

6. Simion’s Role in a Rebalanced Europe: Unity in the East?

Simion’s rise coincides with a broader shift in Eastern Europe, where leaders like Orbán and Kaczyński are redefining the balance of power within the EU. Together, these leaders form a potential Eastern European bloc or a type of Intermarium style strength advocating for national sovereignty, cultural preservation, and conservative values. This bloc could act as a counterbalance to Western Europe’s liberal policies, particularly on issues such as immigration and cultural policy, and simultaneously help offset and block Russian aggression.

Eastern Bloc: By aligning Romania more closely with Hungary and Poland, Simion could help create a new center of gravity within the EU that champions decentralization and national identity (New Eastern Europe, DelibeRatio). This strategy would blend well with 21st-century security frameworks like NATO and modern blockchain-based Digital Nation State configurations.
Additionally, social media systems like X could be adapted into a blockchain of blockchains, forming miniX setups for each nation-state, with the main X bridge operating at the EU level. These miniX setups would run on open-source, localized AI servers, allowing for the modernization of digital government processes. This approach could deliver 50% to 90% cost savings in public sector operations, potentially reducing taxes from 50% to as low as 15%, 10%, or even 5%, every year, and could be grounded in the right foundational philosophy/political principles, as demonstrated in Italy and France.
A decentralized, digitally integrated alliance would also be more resilient to potential civilization collapse. Historically, highly centralized societies struggle to manage the complexities of advanced civilizations, inevitably leading to their failure. Decentralizing the EU ensures that if some blocks fail, others can rebuild them. In contrast, centralization weakens the system — losing firewalls is like erasing boundaries in schematics, eventually causing the entire structure to collapse. Learn form history and from engineering that needs redundancy (up to 5 redundant computers), fault tolerance and decentralization to set up good systems.
Re-balanced Europe: Simion’s rise represents an opportunity for Eastern Europe to play a greater role in shaping EU policies, potentially leading to a more balanced European Union that respects the cultural and political differences of its member states (New Eastern Europe)
EU will not be able to grow if it decides to desire this in the future, under a centralized architecture in a decentralized world. It will be noncompetitive in the age of kings, serfs, and network collectives/blockchain organizations and blockchain nations/digital nation states (nations within nations within nations).

7. Conclusion: Simion and the Future of Europe

The 2024 Romanian presidential election holds significant implications for both Romania and the broader EU. George Simion’s platform of national sovereignty, cultural preservation, and Euroskeptic reform reflects the growing power of Eastern European conservatism. Whether or not Simion wins, his candidacy forces Europe to confront the growing divide between Eastern and Western Europe on key issues of identity, governance, and cultural values.

Simion’s Romanian Renaissance is not just a national movement but part of a broader attempt to redefine Europe’s future. As the East rises to challenge the progressive policies of the West, Simion’s campaign serves as a crucial test for the European project — one that could either strengthen the Union through reform or further fragment it.

8. Want to lose another war Europe? If you lose this one, do you get another chance? Also, do you get another chance versus the AI war? Or did you learn to trust in your logic and in your memebers yet?

The Intermarium was a geopolitical concept proposed by Polish leader Józef Piłsudski in the aftermath of World War I. The idea aimed to create a federation or alliance of Central and Eastern European countries between the Baltic, Black, and Adriatic Seas. The primary goal was to form a bloc of nations that could collectively resist the influence of both Germany to the west and the Soviet Union (Russia) to the east, ensuring regional security.

Key Points of the Intermarium Concept:

Geographic Scope: The proposed alliance would include countries located between the three seas, such as Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Ukraine, Belarus, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia, and potentially Finland. These nations would collaborate militarily, economically, and politically to protect themselves from external pressures. (You owe it to Yugoslavia everyone to rebuild the region).
Motivation: Defense Against Expansionist Powers: The Intermarium was intended to counterbalance the military and political ambitions of both Soviet Russia and Germany, both of which threatened the sovereignty of smaller Central and Eastern European countries. Strength in Unity: By forming a federation, the member states could pool their resources, coordinate their defense strategies, and present a united front on the international stage.
Federalism: Piłsudski envisioned a loose federation, similar to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, where member states would retain their sovereignty but collaborate on foreign policy, defense, and economic matters. It was meant to foster cooperation while respecting national autonomy.
Challenges and Failure: The idea faced opposition from both external and internal forces. The Soviet Union and Germany were firmly against the concept, as it would limit their influence in the region. Some of the potential member countries were skeptical about Polish leadership, fearing that Poland might dominate the federation rather than promote equal partnership. Intermarium failed to materialize due to political fragmentation within the region and external pressures during the interwar period. Eventually, the rise of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union led to the invasion and partition of many of the states that might have been part of this alliance.
Modern Relevance: The concept of the Intermarium has seen a revival in recent years, especially in discussions about Eastern European security and regional cooperation against Russian influence. Modern initiatives like the Three Seas Initiative (Baltic, Adriatic, and Black Sea) echo some of Piłsudski’s ideas by promoting cooperation on energy, infrastructure, and defense among Central and Eastern European countries.

In essence, the Intermarium was an ambitious plan to secure Central and Eastern Europe’s independence and strength in a challenging geopolitical environment, though it ultimately failed due to the overwhelming forces of external powers and internal divisions.

‘You came up with this problem solution specification, and you still didn’t do anything about it. Get moving.’

9. To Romanians: A Call to Remember what you were never told & Build for the Future & Leave a Gift For the Kids of the Future (Fortress Romania)

As we search for answers, we must confront a stark truth: the gift of freedom and happiness our parents fought for is fragile. If we take it for granted, it will vanish, leaving nothing for the generations to come. This is the story of the West, of societies that grew complacent. We must not follow in their footsteps. We must write our own story — the 21st-century story — where Romania takes the lead, teaches others, and secures the future for those yet to be born and the neigbour around as well.

Today, we do not vote for the same tired ideas. We don’t play the old game of defeat. Instead, we stand tall, outsmart the enemies of freedom, and score the goal that will secure victory. It’s time to leap ahead, not to claw our way up from behind. We can no longer grasp at shadows, only to be deceived by the powerful forces that have failed others before us.

Remember the hardships of our parents and grandparents. Remember what they wanted to tell us but couldn’t — the lessons hidden in their silence, the truths they kept from us to spare us the darkness they endured. But now, we must face that darkness with clear eyes. We must listen to one another because the world will not wait for us to catch up.

We are not just farmers, labourers, or builders. We are not just programmers who fix websites. We are the worlds best scientists, athletes, thinkers — people whose greatness was buried by those who envied us, by those who feared us. But our power, our life force, cannot be erased. It lives within us, untouchable, ready to awaken. And this time, it will be more than just a force for ourselves. It will be a force for the future, a gift for the world.

Our identity — our deep care for life, our families, and our spirituality — is our greatest strength. It belongs to us alone, forged in struggle and nourished by a love of life that no one can take away.

We do not bear the symbols of conquest, of axes and sickles. We carry the seed of life itself. And we know that in a world darkened by ideologies of death, it is the seed of life that will endure. There is only one who seeks to extinguish that spirit — the Antichrist. But we stand, as we always have, as guardians of that spirit, and we will not let it be taken.

We are the world’s keepers of this sacred seed, and without us, the world will crumble. In every sense — technical, cultural, spiritual — Romania is the center, the origin. Just as Rome is the heart of Europe, we are its spirit. All roads may lead to Rome, but all kings travel to Bucharest in search of the strength that defends humanity and preserves its future.

Our greatest heroes — our grandparents, our scientists, our athletes — may no longer walk among us, but their strength is our inheritance. Yes, others may have bigger armies, but we have something they can never touch. We will relearn what we have forgotten, and we will rise again, stronger than ever.

You may have lived wildly, partied, stolen from your neighbours or the state, but there was a moment — perhaps brief — when you were brought into the quiet of a church by someone who loved you, to remind you of your duty. And that duty was not to live selfishly but to protect your family, your country, and the future of morality and life. That’s what it means to be part of an enduring society for more than a millenia or two, one that carries the light into the future when others have failed. We are not here to leave our neighbours, like Hungary and Poland, to do the hard work alone. We are here to stand with them, to rise with them. Feel shame Romania of little Hungary rises, and you stay complacent.

Romania may not be the most religious country, but our heart beats for the next generation. We are a people who understand what it means to fight for life, to preserve it. If we allow our nation and our families to die, we will never rise. We will fade into history, as some in the West already have, walking like NPC’s, like ghosts waiting for the casket to arrive. Do we want to learn from their mistakes? Or will we rise and show the world that we are made of stronger stuff?

Champions don’t rise forever, but when they rise, they rise to win. This is our time. This is our fight. Are you kidding that you bought just 32 F-35s? The Americans are giving us a deal man.. wheel and deal — now it’s up to us to take it. It is time for Romania to rise and build a fortress for the future. Armies may come and go, but fortresses last through the generations. We must think in 21st-century terms, forging ideas that surpass the old and take us forward. Don’t copy the failing societies around us. Create something better. Take the lead for once. Show the people who lose their minds, how to focus, spiritually.

And most importantly, do not fear. Not death, not failure, not the unknown. The only thing you should fear is losing the chance to be a hero. Heroes don’t fear others — it is the others who fear the heroes. When you embrace your destiny, they will sense your invincibility, and will give up on the idea to fight you.

10. George Simion’s Rise: Rebalancing Europe through National Sovereignty & Reform

As Europe grapples with internal divisions and shifting political landscapes, George Simion, leader of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) and a candidate for the Romanian presidency in 2024, represents a rising Eastern force seeking to redefine the continent’s trajectory. His platform emphasizes national sovereignty, traditional values, and the preservation of cultural identity within the European Union framework.

Simion’s vision is not one of isolationism but of reform from within. Like his counterparts in Hungary and Poland, he champions a decentralized EU where national autonomy takes precedence over centralized governance from Brussels.

11. The Future of Romania and Europe

Simion’s rise coincides with a broader shift in Eastern Europe. Leaders like Orbán and Kaczyński are redefining the balance of power, advocating for national sovereignty, cultural preservation, and conservative values. Romania, under Simion’s leadership, could help form a new center of gravity within the EU, forging alliances with Hungary and Poland to champion decentralization and resist over-centralization from Brussels.

In this new age, social media systems like X could be adapted into a blockchain of blockchains, creating miniX setups for each nation-state. These could run on localized AI servers, leading to 50% to 90% cost savings in public sector operations, reducing taxes to as low as 15%, 10%, or even 5%.

A decentralized, digitally integrated alliance would also be more resilient to potential civilization collapse. History shows that centralized societies often collapse under their own complexity. By ensuring that if some blocks fail, others can rebuild them, a decentralized system creates redundancy and strength.

Simion’s vision offers Romania a chance to rise again, stronger and more resilient, while reshaping Europe for the future.

What’s at stake? Our place in the world or maybe no place at all in the world. Time to rise. Last Round.